Ceasefire to end the bloody violence in Lebanon

 

 The Israeli attack caused 4,000 killed and15,700 injured

By: Moammar Atwi

After 13 months of the bloody conflict between Hezbollah and Israel on the lebanese territory, the American administration, led by the Democratic president Joe Biden, has been able to enforce the two warring parties to accept and sign an agreement for a ceasefire within 60 days in order to achieve a stable agreement in the future between Israel and Lebanon. But the irony is this agreement was so expensive, as nearly 4 000 people were killed in Lebanon, and dozens in Israel.

This war that began on 08 October 2023 under the title "Support Gaza", day after the attack that the Palestinian organization Hamas did against Israel on 07 October 2023. 

The Israeli military’s bombardment and ground operations in Lebanon have killed nearly 3,800 people there, and over 15,700 others injured, according to the country’s health ministry.

Over a million people, nearly a quarter of the nation’s population, more than 1 300 000 people, have also been forced to flee their homes. Some of them flee home many times from city to city in Lebanon, or to flee to Syria and Iraq or beyond that.

18 Village destroyed

Hashem Haidar, head of Lebanon's official Southern Council which is tasked with assessing the extent of destruction in southern Lebanon, said there were 18 villages near the 120-kilometre (75-mile) long Israel-Lebanon border had each been "70 percent destroyed", with an estimated 45,000 homes lost.

The Jerusalem Post said on 26 November 2024 that at most points, Israeli deaths were in the dozens, and Hezbollah deaths were in the several-hundred range. Compared to the 60,000 Israelis who evacuated from the northern border in October 2023, and eventually more than a million Lebanese had to evacuate their homes.

 After difficult, intensive efforts by many countries, especially the United States, and despite many obstacles that were posed by Hezbollah and Israel, the American president was able to achieve something before two months of the end of his mandate.Therefore, he had announced the accord of a temporary cease-fire in Lebanon within two months, with a view to establishing a permanent agreement thereafter to end this historical struggle between the two countries. hs, with a view to establishing a permanent agreement thereafter to end this historical struggle between the two countries. 

Full Text 

The full text of the cease-fire agreement between Israel and Lebanon, composed of 13 points as follows.

• Hezbollah and all other armed groups present on Lebanese territory will refrain from conducting any offensive actions against Israel.

• In return, Israel will not carry out any military offensive against targets in Lebanon, whether on land, in the air, or at sea.

• Both Israel and Lebanon recognize the importance of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1701.

• These commitments do not waive Israel's and Lebanon's inherent right to self-defense.

• The Lebanese security forces and the Lebanese Army will be the only entities authorized to carry weapons or deploy troops in southern Lebanon.

• The sale, provision, or production of weapons and related material in Lebanon will be supervised by the Lebanese government.

• All unauthorized facilities related to the production of weapons and related materials will be dismantled.

• All non-compliant military infrastructure and positions will be dismantled, and all unauthorized weapons will be confiscated.

• A committee approved by both Israel and Lebanon will be established to oversee and assist in the implementation of these commitments.

• Israel and Lebanon will report any violations of these commitments to the committee and to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL).

• Lebanon will deploy official security forces and the Lebanese Army along all border crossing points and the defined line for the southern zone, as outlined in the deployment plan.

• Israel will gradually withdraw from the southern zone of the Blue Line within a period of up to 60 days.

• The United States will enhance indirect negotiations between Israel and Lebanon to achieve an internationally recognized delineation of the land border.

This agreement may lead the international community to press on Israel and Hamas to do an accord to stop this genocide that triggered more than 44,000 killed, hoping to find a solution to the Palestinian question within the framework of the two-state solution or one democratic state for the both peoples.

South Korea: a trip to the country of wars and factories

 

The ten-hour direct flight from Beirut to Seoul was tiresome. However, arriving in this country, experiencing its historical aspects and its main political turning points made us forget all journey fatigue, a series of observations that puts the hand on the wound of division and the hopes of unity.

The scene that greeted us upon arrival at one of the military airports in the South Korean capital Seoul was wonderful: a musical band and a number of officers and soldiers stood on the runway for the welcome. It’s a lucky day for the Korean people; they are receiving a batch of their soldiers returning from a six-month period of serving along the southern border villages with the UNIFIL in Lebanon.

It wasn’t an ordinary trip. The plane was boarded by 200 Korean troops and 16 Lebanese citizens who were invited by the Korean government to experience the culture of this overseas country. Ten hours of continuous flight to arrive finally to a military airport in Seoul. The journey –from departing until landing- was marked by the strict military discipline, starting with the airport procedure, we had to wait for 6 hours before embarking on plane “for reasons related to the specialty of the travel of peace keeping forces” as briefed by Colonel Kim Nam Hyeon who accompanied the Lebanese group all through their stay in his homeland. 

The Lebanese group along with the troops flew over Cyprus, Turkey, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Mongolia and China, before landing in this controversial semi-island.  The purpose of the trip is a program organized by the Korean contingent in south Lebanon in coordination with the Ambassador of Korea in Lebanon, and funded by the Korean government, through which officials from south Lebanon, reporters and Lebanese security personnel are invited to be introduced to culture of the homeland of Hyundai, Kia and Samsung.

After a long yet luxurious trip, the arrival at the airport was a mixture of greeting the returning troops and their guests on one hand, and inspection procedures including monitoring the photos taken by the members of the Lebanese group upon their arrival to the airport.

“No cameras”, shouted one of the officers over there. An armed soldier approached us in a very polite manner- a common characteristic among Asian people-, “taking photos of the musical band is not a problem, but taking photos of the airport building is not allowed, for this reason everyone who took a photo should submit his camera to confirm it was deleted.”

 A routine procedure performed with a sense of humor and apologies presented by officers to their guests. Maybe the most interesting topic to the guests is the case of the two Koreas and the borders that split the peninsula, which lies between the two bigger states (Russia and China) and the economic giant (Japan) behind it the United States, and this made it subject to intimidations, cold and real wars. 

Few aspects of this case could be discovered upon visiting the joint security area on the borders separating the two Koreas. There, the guest could penetrate the northern separation line, according to the procedures taken jointly by the two countries- Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (northern) and the Republic of Korea (south), thus discovering how painful the situation of families torn apart due to the separation is.

The American fingerprints are clear in all details of the Korean life, to the extent that some south Korean conservatives are now sensing the dangers imposed by the Uncle Sam culture to their own. According to some local statistics, 20% of the South Koreans do not like America, in spite of the help it has provided during their fight with the communist brothers, but the US puts among its objectives and interests imposing a lifestyle totally different from that of this Asian state.   

   

In all cases, the site seeing in this exception visit- which the Ambassador of Korea to Lebanon wanted to be a chance to enhance relations between the Lebanese and the Korean people on the occasion of the thirties anniversary of the diplomatic relations between the two countries- won’t be limited to the conflict side. This country of 100140 KM2, had witness a huge economic and industrial movement which lifted it to become one of the top 20 economies, where Seoul hosted the G20 summit last November.

South Korea, with a population of more than 50 million citizens, has an ancient history full of historical events to be experienced by the guests during the visit to the main sites in the country, its historical castles and museums.

A series of aspects that tells the story of an ancient history full of wars and invasions, and political turnovers that never limited the energy of the Korean people or their willingness to work hard, thus becoming an Asian economic tiger, sitting on the top of a throne built by the threads of victories and industrial revolution… 

The main sites included in the itinerary  of the Lebanese group is the National Museum, the War Museum, the Gyung Buk Palace, the folk village and the Korean House which introduces the guests to the local cuisine, culture and arts. Visiting all these sites wouldn’t have been possible without the efforts of the officers in charge of the visiting group Colonel Kim Nam Hyoem who returned from Lebanon with his colleague Lt. Kim Seon Jung; both officers did not meet their families until after the departure of the visiting group. The role of the translator Jung Min Kyoung, who masters the classical Arabic and who prefers to be addressed by the name Najmah especially that her Korean name means najmah in Arabic (star in English), and other several other people shall be commended as well.

Korea now has high capacities that resemble few of the European countries, with regards to the organization, infrastructure transportation system and urban planning. As for the leading industries, a topic that requires thorough discussion, yet in summary, Korea is making huge efforts to gather the glory of the past and the modernity of the present.

Reporter: Moammar Atwi (ROKBATT VISIT PROGRAM Feb. 2011)

Al Akhbar Newspaper (issue 1334)

February 07, 2011

https://www.al-akhbar.com/International/83355

  

The West Prolongs the Existence of Gaddafi’s Regime

 By Moammar Atwi 

June 4, 2011

[This article is my translation from the Arabic original published on June 2, 2011, in Beirut's Al-Akhbar, the only leftwing Arabic daily newspaper. It provides an insight into the thinking of the Libyan rebels, different from what some English-speaking figures of the Libyan opposition may say to Western sources, not to mention those Westerners who purport to speak in the name of the Libyan rebellion. — Gilbert Achcar]

It is not possible to depict the present situation in Libya as one in which Colonel Muammar al-Gaddafi remains in power to this day thanks to his military and security capabilities alone. The tribal factor itself is no longer a winning card in the regime's hands as it was at the beginning of the February 17th revolution. According to Abu-Bakr al-Farjani, the spokesman for the local council of the city of Sirt, which adheres to the oppositional Transitional National Council, NATO itself is progressing slowly in its military operations against Gaddafi's brigades in order to maintain him longer in power, and to increase thereby the price the opposition can be requested to pay to world powers and to the major companies that stand behind them.

The Libyan oppositionist who recently left Sirt (the stronghold of Gaddafi's tribe) says that "the regions that the regime's brigades dominate almost completely at present are Tripoli, Sirt and Sabha, but this domination does not mean that the tribes living in these regions totally support the regime." There are three major tribes in Libya — al-Warfalla, al-Magariha, and al-Farjan — but what we can assert now is that when it comes to the tribes, Gaddafi is supported only by al-Qadhadhfa, and especially the al-Quhus clan among them, whereas al-Magariha's support to the regime dwindled after Gaddafi's killing of the former minister of telecommunication, who used to be an influential member of the Revolutionary Committees [what stands for the ruling party in Gaddafi's regime], Saeed Rashid al-Megrahi. [According to opposition sources, Megrahi was killed on 21 February as he stormed the official headquarters in Tripoli along with other members of his tribe in protest against the bloody repression of the demonstrations that started a few days earlier; the sheikhs of the al-Magariha tribe reacted by stating their support to the revolution.] …

In addition to NATO's procrastination in bringing the situation to an end, there are subjective factors that may be counted as part of the reasons why Gaddafi is still in power, namely his military and security force, his weapons, and his mercenaries. On these factors, al-Farjani said to al-Akhbar that [Gaddafi's son] Hannibal Muammar Gaddafi, the commander of the 32nd division and the man in charge of the Revolutionary Guard as well as the Republican Guard, is presently the strongest military figure in the regime, especially after the problems that occurred between his brothers Khamis and Sayf-ul-Islam, and he enjoys accordingly strong support from his father and the regime's men. …

On the mercenaries, al-Farjani explained that the regime brought in a large number of Mauritanians during the last period, and gave them Libyan citizenship in order to enroll them for fighting in the ranks of Libyan army. However, the regime seems to be in dire straits these days, according to what al-Farjani depicts. In the capital, which is under the regime's control, oppositionists every now and then fly balloons with the revolution's slogans inscribed on them, a fact that reflects changes on the ground. At the same time, the Colonel is offering concessions such as stating that he is willing to accept a ceasefire, for fear of the intervention of NATO's helicopters. …

Despite his criticism of NATO's performance, the Libyan activist recognizes that its forces are moving forward, albeit slowly. From preventing the flight of the regime's planes to the use of US drones to that of "Apache" helicopters these last days, the situation is turning to the advantage of the opposition and the protection of civilians.

But the situation will not change rapidly if the rebels are not armed, as the poor communication between rebels in the Western provinces and the rebellion's stronghold in the East … is not to the advantage of the opposition. Al-Farjani asserts that the rebels are now organized in a national army, and all other forces obey this army's orders. About the fear that the relation with the West might turn into one of dependence, the Libyan oppositionist insists that "the Palestinian cause is the number one cause for the rebels," and that their relation with America, or France, or Britain does not mean that they will abandon this cause, but "this relation is no more than one of interests, of an economic nature" in the sense that these countries' companies will get a priority in investing in the oil and gas sector in Libya. …

It seems that the Libyan rebels' position is going through a difficult stage these days, torn between preserving their independence and footing the bill for the Western intervention without becoming dependent.

https://zcomm.org/znetarticle/the-west-prolongs-the-existence-of-gaddafis-regime-by-muammar-atwi-1/

Libya's Treacherous Path: A Call for Caution

 By: Moammar Atwi

Published Friday, September 2, 2011

Libyans are well aware that they will face tough and dangerous consequences if they fail in steering the ship of their revolution towards its goals of achieving public and personal freedoms without giving up their independence, national sovereignty, and the central cause of Palestine.

The destruction of the flabby authoritarian regime has cost Libyans much time and effort. They had to pay the heaviest price of inviting foreign NATO intervention whose aim was not to help Libyans but to guarantee the interest of its members.

Compelling circumstances generated by the regime’s repression apparatus and organized murder practiced for decades across the Libya might have placed the Libyan opposition in an awkward position. The opposition had to choose between accepting the assistance of those who have dangerous goals or returning to pre- February 15, 2000 and thus missing the opportunity to join the spring of Arab revolutions.

Leaders of the opposition formed a political body called ‘The National Transitional Libyan Council’ based in Benghazi. They were cautious in selecting mechanisms of change in line with the concept of a revolution for freedom, independence, and sovereignty rather than subjecting the country to different forms of colonization.

What happened in Iraq is of great relevance. It served as a warning of a possible future phase dominated by tribal strife, political conflicts and the dominance of the Western plan to exploit and loot the blessings of the African plateau.

Of course, Libyans are aware of the magnitude of the challenges facing them and the danger of involving Washington in their actions. But they are also aware that what the Colonel has given the West is no less than what those leaders are going to give them. ‘Africa’s King of Kings’ has spent his people’s money on the African continent to satisfy his sadism in watching the bloody rivalry between African tribes. The promising leaders [of the revolution] will not pay any more than that as a cost of operation of the NATO, the unifying protector. Moreover, countries that backed the [Libyan] revolution politically, financially and with some arms will be given privileges to exploit Libya’s natural resources.

After witnessing images of organized and random murder of the Libyan people by air, land and sea, the NTC was left with little option but to seek external backing. As such, the NTC could not be accused of handing Libya over to the West on a silver plate and offering it as an advanced military base for the NATO operations in north Africa, under the label of ‘fighting Islamic terrorism’ in Mali, Niger and the Big Desert.

Surely, the possible existence of Libyan opposition leaders cooperating with American and western intelligence agencies should not be disregarded. Some are even working on implementing the American model in consumption and rentier economy in a country that has only known a chaotic system based on an individuality cult for the past 40 years.

The role of Washington in the Libyan affair can not be underestimated. If we observe the events closely, we can see that the US Administration was initially hesitant in interfering in Libyan affairs. Back then, it was still convinced that Gaddafi, the ‘Imam of Muslims’, can serve its economic needs and achieve many of its political goals. It was in no position to wage a new war that would cost it a lot of money and lives, when it was still drowning in the Iraqi and Afghani quagmire and suffering from an internal crisis.

Rebel fighters play tic-tac-toe at a last rebel checkpoint some 80 kilometers east from rebel-held Misrata, and some 167 kilometers west from pro-Gadhafi-held Sirte, Libya. (Photo: AP - Sergey Ponomarev)

Statements by American officials warned of the unknown identity of the new power seekers in Libya. They were clueless about who they were dealing with and on what basis the Libyans would choose their representatives. That was before the administration’s approval of UN Security Council resolution number 1973 adopted on March 17. Back then, it appeared that the US administration had received international signals, as well as signals from within the Libyan opposition, that what was happening in Libya was in its interest. That was particularly true because its so-called support of democratic changes cannot be credible if it stays on the fence regarding Libya or any other Arab country living dictatorship or governed by a hereditary regime. Accordingly, the US administration entered the Libyan affairs forcefully. It even complained later that the implementation of NATO’s military strikes was its sole responsibility.

The zenith of US intervention took place on August 20, the day of the offensive on Tripoli. Prior to the offensive, Jeffrey Feltman, US Assistant Secretary of State, met with opposition leaders in Benghazi. The meeting was portrayed as a green light to resolve the Libyan crisis, in preparation for concentration on the Syrian file and other pending issues. That meeting was concluded with a series of calls and closed talks with Gaddafi’s close circle to convince the latter of settling the dispute with his opponents.

The defection of the former second man in the [Libyan] regime, Abdel-Salam Jaloud, hours before the fall of Tripoli, and the death of the military commander Abdul-Fattah Younis, less than a month ago, were considered a preparation for setting a new political group for Libya that identifies with the interests of the West.

We also cannot disregard France’s eagerness to “liberate” Libya, despite the fact that the French President Nicholas Sarkozi was one of Gaddafi’s closest allies when the latter was still serving the interests of Sarkozi’s companies. The same applies to Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and his British counterpart Tony Blair and the latter’s successor. British newspaper The Times published excerpts of what it said was the opposition’s post-Gaddafi plan, a plan that should have been kept secret. More worrisome is the involvement of the Zionist philosopher Bernard-Henri Levy and the American ‘hawk’ Joe Biden in [Libyan] opposition planning.

These and other shortcomings of the Libyan revolution are enough evidence of the lack of harmony between its various elements. Regardless of the diversity of the opposition’s political arena, whether they are liberals, Islamists, leftists, nationalists, patriots, independent and Facebook youth, there are some members in the opposition command who are obviously there for aims other than ending tyranny. If they succeed in leading the revolution, this will become a disaster for the Libyan people.

But not all is lost. The interest of the Libyan people may still be preserved. The Libyans have to share interests with big powers, without falling hostage to all their demands. The Libyan people should be given a chance to prove themselves before they are labelled as treacherous. The challenges they face are still very tough, and the future of their country will be determined by the degree to which their leaders are alert to the dangers of Western intervention and capable of dealing with them on an equal footing based on relations of mutual interest and respect.

Moammar Atwi is a reporter for al-Akhbar Arabic Edition.

This article is translated from the Arabic Edition.

https://english.al-akhbar.com/node/473/

https://zcomm.org/znetarticle/a-call-for-caution-by-moammar-atwi/

Libya: The National Power Struggle Begins

 By: Moammar Atwi

Published Friday, October 7, 2011

Libya’s National Transitional Council has its work cut out for it leading up to a new government formation, while rebel groups and divisive political interests vie for power amid the post-Gaddafi vacuum in Libya.

Fierce infighting has delayed the formation of an interim cabinet in Libya, exposing the weaknesses of the National Transitional Council (NTC) headed by former Justice Minister Mustafa Abdul Jalil. Rival groups with sharply divergent political outlooks are united only in their quest to gain power. Libya may face tumultuous political times.

Political dysfunction may be expected in a country that had no politics to speak of beyond the Revolutionary and Popular Committees during four decades of one-man rule. Prior to the revolution, the Libyan at-home opposition was little more than the remnants of Islamist groups, which Gaddafi’s regime largely crushed or co-opted since the mid-1990s. Meanwhile, the opposition in exile was dominated by the National Council for the Salvation of Libya, mistrusted by many of Gaddafi’s opponents because of its reputed links to the CIA.

While the road to multi-party democracy was never going to be smooth, it is further complicated by the tribal identities of many of the country’s emergent political groupings. They nominally share the ‘moderate’ Islamic vision flaunted by Abdul Jalil and many other Libyan politicians. But in practice, they vie for the right to represent their respective regions and tribes.

Many of these groups began life as armed factions that took part in the fighting against Gaddafi’s forces. After the liberation of Tripoli, they turned to politics, staking their claims to a share of the spoils and using their men, arms, and money toward that purpose. Rivalries between these groups, and the demographic realities they represent, have been a key cause of the NTC’s problems — as opposed to hardline-Islamist influence or foreign meddling as widely reported in the media. A number of players have risen to prominence in the fray.

The Tripoli Rebels

Abdullah al-Zintani, head of the Tripoli Revolutionary Council, has emerged as the chief rival to Abdel Hakim Belhaj, who became commander of the Tripoli Military Council after the fall of the Bab al-Azizia compound in Tripoli.

In a recent interview with the Saudi newspaper Asharq al-Awsat, al-Zintani demanded that half the seats in the new cabinet be reserved for former rebel groups. He sounded as though he had the clout to back up the demand, claiming that his group had 25,000 members from all parts of the country. More to the point, he said he had 7,000 well-armed fighters under his command.

Unlike Belhaj, the clean-shaven al-Zintani is not a card-carrying Islamist, nor does he resemble a jihadist returnee from Afghanistan. Rather, he is firmly within the ‘moderate’ Islamic camp.

Al-Zintani’s group appears to resemble several similar ones that have taken over policing functions in Tripoli, Benghazi, and other Libyan towns in the absence of official security forces. These groups are similarly likely to demand their share in the new political system – utterly disregarding Abdul Jalil’s earlier pleas that participation in the rebellion against Gaddafi not be a qualification for political representation.

The Misrata Brigade

The Brigade recently made a forceful entry onto the political stage. Its fighters achieved renown when they held out against Gaddafi’s besieging forces for weeks in the coastal town of Misrata, east of Tripoli. They then played a key role in winning the battle for Tripoli and remain in action on the Bani Walid and Sirte fronts. The Brigade has now become an affiliate of the Misrata Revolutionary Union, which has called for the appointment of Abdul Rahman al-Swehli as head of government.

The Former Islamic Fighting Group

The jihadi Islamists led by Abdel Hakim Belhaj are the most controversial element in this mix. Belhaj was a leader of the Islamic Fighting Group (IFG) active during the mid 1990s. Although he only came to media prominence after the fall of Tripoli, he joined the uprising from the outset in February. It was clear from his many appearances alongside NTC leaders that Islamists with salafi jihadist roots would have an important role to play in the Libya’s political future.

There have been reports that the US has been in talks with this group aimed at persuading it to espouse a ‘moderate’ variant of political Islam, one consistent with the Muslim Brotherhood and that of the Turkish government. US appeals to the group come despite Belhaj’s public demand for an apology from the US and Britain for ‘rendering’ him to the Libyan authorities in 2004 while he was travelling in East Asia.

With 3,000 fighters under his command, Belhaj is well-positioned to demand a share of power in Libya for the Islamists. He warned this week that Islamist groups would not allow secular politicians to marginalize or exclude them in the wake of Gaddafi’s downfall.

Qatar and the Muslim Brotherhood

Qatar is deeply involved in the political machinations in Libya. The Gulf emirate has worked hard to co-opt Islamist and other opposition groups in a number of Arab countries where popular uprisings have challenged the regimes. The aim appears to be to produce a Turkish-style marriage of religiosity and pragmatism and nurture forces that would be acceptable to both Libya’s conservative population and the US. Qatar simultaneously supports some liberal and Arab nationalist elements in Libya.

The Doha-based Islamist scholar Sheikh Ali al-Salabi seems to have played a pivotal role in cementing the alliance between Libyan Islamists and the Qatari leadership. Al-Salabi is on good terms with the emir of Qatar and his brother Ismail was a rebel commander in Benghazi and second-in-command of the IFG. Al-Salabi reportedly negotiated the 2009 deal with Saif al-Islam al-Gaddafi under which jailed members of the group were pardoned after renouncing their jihadi ideology.

Al-Salabi recently launched a ferocious attack on the NTC, demanding that it respect the will of the Libyan people. Among other things, he demanded acting oil minister Ali Tarhouni be excluded from the cabinet, based on accusations he cooperated with the CIA. Similar quarrels between current NTC leadership and Libya’s would-be political heavyweights have held up any agreement. The frustration led to Abdul Jalil’s announcement that he would not head or serve in the new cabinet.

Al-Salabi came across as spiritual mentor of the Libyan revolution, offering his views and directives to the revolutionaries in line with his Islamist project. He stressed the need for the NTC chairman to heed the advice of scholars — namely Fatwa Council head Sheikh Sadiq Bin Abdul Rahman Ghariani — and revolutionary commanders such as Belhaj.

Waheed Burshan, a local council leader close to the Islamists, told AFP that Mahmoud Jibril has effectively been ousted by the Islamists. He went on to demand major changes in the NTC’s composition “so that it represents all of Libya.” But a senior NTC official denied this. He said the dispute over the prime minister’s position was not one between secularists and Islamists. Rather Jibril wanted it to appear that way. The official reiterated that Libyans were moderate Muslims, and that only a few individuals held extremist views.

Harati’s Weapons

Mahdi al-Harati is another controversial figure in post-Gaddafi Libya. He is another Islamist rebel commander in Tripoli close to Belhaj. There are unconfirmed reports that al-Harati traveled to Qatar for a few days and returned with millions of dollars in cash, which he used to buy up tanks and armored vehicles.

It is still unclear who the purchased weapons are for, nor is it clear why Qatar should be providing more funds to Islamist groups already rich with petrodollars. Typical of its foreign policy, the emirate is backing opposing sides within Libya.

Abdul Jalil may have been right to observe that “what has held up the cabinet is the mentality that Libyans have been raised on for 40 years.” He explained: “Every region and tribe wants their share of the government. There are also towns that think their struggle — which we appreciate — gives them priority.”

Meanwhile, all parties — liberals and Arab nationalists — appear to be vying for their share of the spoils by advocating ‘moderate’ Islam. The hardline Islamists like the IFG use this slogan to whitewash their records, and the Brotherhood press on with Qatari support. Other Islamic groups adopt a less political rhetoric, appealing generally to the Libyan people’s non-ideological religiosity.

https://english.al-akhbar.com/content/libya-national-power-struggle-begins

This article is an edited translation from the Arabic Edition.

Ramadan in Europe: Muslims Long for Call to Prayer

 During Ramadan, Muslims in Europe, too, change their daily routines. This is expressed in their renunciation of food, drink, smoking and sexual contact in the hours between sunrise and sunset. Muammar Atwi reports from Berlin

​​At the beginning of Ramadan, the Islamic month of fasting, in Berlin neighborhoods where large numbers of Muslims live there is a different feeling in the air. A special mood permeates everyday life, and many people from the Arabic-Islamic world change their daily routines.

This is expressed in their renunciation of food, drink, smoking and sexual contact in the hours between sunrise and sunset.

The owners of Arabic shops know that it is good business to stock up on a variety of imported foods favored by Muslims during Ramadan. Dates, “suus” (a drink made from licorice), “dschellab” (sugar and date syrup), and “qamruddin” (dried, pressed apricot juice) are available. The bakeries suddenly have the sweets that can’t be found the rest of the year, for example “qata’ef” (pastries soaked in sugar syrup), “kalladsch” (phyllo dough filled with nuts), and other delicacies.

The fact that certain kinds of lemonade can suddenly be found in shops is due to the effect of politics on the religious life of Muslims. During Ramadan in particular, it is hard to miss the selection of drinks for customers looking for alternatives to drinks made by American companies.

Shoppers in Arabic shops can’t help but notice the additional choices of drinks with names such as “Muslim Cola,” “Muslim Up,” “Mecca Cola” and “Arab Cola.” The same is true for the assortment of meats available, for example “Halal sausage,” “Halal Salami” and other kinds of meats from animals that are butchered according to Muslim rites.

Fasting in Europe is no different

In an Arabic shop in Berlin full of people shopping for the foods needed for breaking the fast (“Iftar”), we meet a woman named Maha who tells us about the special joy of Muslims during this month. She says that fasting in a European city like Berlin is fine, “as long as one strives to please God and to curb one’s needs.”

“It is better to spend Ramadan in an Islamic country,” counters her friend, “because an atmosphere of celebration heralds the holy month there. In Germany, one is caught unprepared for Ramadan.”

Bilal Heikal, the owner of an Arabic grocery and specialty foods store, tells us about the special joy felt by the people from his home country when Ramadan approaches.

Ramadan in Germany cannot be compared to Ramadan in an Islamic country: “When Ramadan is approaching and we are anticipating the month of fasting, we feel it in particular in the special preparations we are busy with. We import more foods during this time because we know that certain ones will be in high demand.”

There is a demand for certain kinds of vegetables not found in German supermarkets and which have to be imported from Jordan. Heikal says that German customers ask for specialties for “Id-al-Fitr” (the festivity to break the fast at the end of Ramadan), for example dates, certain kinds of cheeses, “rahatlukum” (an oriental sweet), among others.

Breaking the fast and praying together

In a Lebanese restaurant we meet Ahmad, a student, who is devouring a sandwich. His friend Mustafa, also a student, is sitting next to him chatting, but he is not eating anything. We ask him why he is not eating anything. He answers that he is fasting and that this is the first time he has been able to hold for the whole month.

In previous years he had always broken off fasting earlier. He tells us about the special atmosphere among the Muslim students at the university as they prepare together for “Iftar” and common prayers. In Islamic countries the conditions for fasting are better because there everyone can hear the call to prayers.

Ahmad explains why he is not fasting by telling us he is not devoutly religious. “In my country the situation is different. There I can’t eat in public because I respect the feelings of others. Here in Europe there is a different climate, here everyone is free to live according to his own convictions.”

The restaurant’s owner Hassan tells us that many Muslims here don’t fast, “but out of fear of causing displeasure, they don’t want to eat in restaurants.” The Germans, he says, are aware of the meaning of Ramadan and fasting via the media, and they show respect for their fellow Muslim citizens.

Suhaib believes that many Arabic youths are not religious but they fast nonetheless because it is tradition or because they use the opportunity to lose weight: “They reflect on Allah, avoid alcohol and have no direct contact with women. As soon as the holy month of fasting is over, they return to their everyday lives.”

Ramadan is like Christmas

In a bakery we meet Syrer Heitham, who tells us about his longing to hear the call to prayer and the “Mussaharati” (waking call). He longs for the meals his mother used to prepare for him and which the whole family would eat together.

“A Muslim at Ramadan,” he says, “is like a German at Christmastime. There is an atmosphere of celebration, and he prepares for the festivities by buying gifts.”

Katharina, a German woman, regards Ramadan from a different—but no less emotional—perspective: “No doubt, Ramadan is a holy month for Muslims. I have seen how a whole family will gather around the table at sundown, and I enjoy the affection they show for each other. The Muslims’ fasting is hard and requires each individual to renounce most of their human needs for the whole day. I find it very impressive, I couldn’t do it myself. As a Christian I know what fasting is, but not such a difficult fasting.”

Moammar Atwi

© Qantara.de 2003
https://en.qantara.de/content/ramadan-in-europe-muslims-long-for-call-to-prayer

The West Prolongs the Existence of Gaddafi’s Regime

 By Moammar Atwi 

June 4, 2011

[This article is my translation from the Arabic original published on June 2, 2011, in Beirut's Al-Akhbar, the only leftwing Arabic daily newspaper. It provides an insight into the thinking of the Libyan rebels, different from what some English-speaking figures of the Libyan opposition may say to Western sources, not to mention those Westerners who purport to speak in the name of the Libyan rebellion. — Gilbert Achcar]

It is not possible to depict the present situation in Libya as one in which Colonel Muammar al-Gaddafi remains in power to this day thanks to his military and security capabilities alone. The tribal factor itself is no longer a winning card in the regime's hands as it was at the beginning of the February 17th revolution. According to Abu-Bakr al-Farjani, the spokesman for the local council of the city of Sirt, which adheres to the oppositional Transitional National Council, NATO itself is progressing slowly in its military operations against Gaddafi's brigades in order to maintain him longer in power, and to increase thereby the price the opposition can be requested to pay to world powers and to the major companies that stand behind them.

The Libyan oppositionist who recently left Sirt (the stronghold of Gaddafi's tribe) says that "the regions that the regime's brigades dominate almost completely at present are Tripoli, Sirt and Sabha, but this domination does not mean that the tribes living in these regions totally support the regime." There are three major tribes in Libya — al-Warfalla, al-Magariha, and al-Farjan — but what we can assert now is that when it comes to the tribes, Gaddafi is supported only by al-Qadhadhfa, and especially the al-Quhus clan among them, whereas al-Magariha's support to the regime dwindled after Gaddafi's killing of the former minister of telecommunication, who used to be an influential member of the Revolutionary Committees [what stands for the ruling party in Gaddafi's regime], Saeed Rashid al-Megrahi. [According to opposition sources, Megrahi was killed on 21 February as he stormed the official headquarters in Tripoli along with other members of his tribe in protest against the bloody repression of the demonstrations that started a few days earlier; the sheikhs of the al-Magariha tribe reacted by stating their support to the revolution.] …

In addition to NATO's procrastination in bringing the situation to an end, there are subjective factors that may be counted as part of the reasons why Gaddafi is still in power, namely his military and security force, his weapons, and his mercenaries. On these factors, al-Farjani said to al-Akhbar that [Gaddafi's son] Hannibal Muammar Gaddafi, the commander of the 32nd division and the man in charge of the Revolutionary Guard as well as the Republican Guard, is presently the strongest military figure in the regime, especially after the problems that occurred between his brothers Khamis and Sayf-ul-Islam, and he enjoys accordingly strong support from his father and the regime's men. …

On the mercenaries, al-Farjani explained that the regime brought in a large number of Mauritanians during the last period, and gave them Libyan citizenship in order to enroll them for fighting in the ranks of Libyan army. However, the regime seems to be in dire straits these days, according to what al-Farjani depicts. In the capital, which is under the regime's control, oppositionists every now and then fly balloons with the revolution's slogans inscribed on them, a fact that reflects changes on the ground. At the same time, the Colonel is offering concessions such as stating that he is willing to accept a ceasefire, for fear of the intervention of NATO's helicopters. …

Despite his criticism of NATO's performance, the Libyan activist recognizes that its forces are moving forward, albeit slowly. From preventing the flight of the regime's planes to the use of US drones to that of "Apache" helicopters these last days, the situation is turning to the advantage of the opposition and the protection of civilians.

But the situation will not change rapidly if the rebels are not armed, as the poor communication between rebels in the Western provinces and the rebellion's stronghold in the East … is not to the advantage of the opposition. Al-Farjani asserts that the rebels are now organized in a national army, and all other forces obey this army's orders. About the fear that the relation with the West might turn into one of dependence, the Libyan oppositionist insists that "the Palestinian cause is the number one cause for the rebels," and that their relation with America, or France, or Britain does not mean that they will abandon this cause, but "this relation is no more than one of interests, of an economic nature" in the sense that these countries' companies will get a priority in investing in the oil and gas sector in Libya. …

It seems that the Libyan rebels' position is going through a difficult stage these days, torn between preserving their independence and footing the bill for the Western intervention without becoming dependent.

https://zcomm.org/znetarticle/the-west-prolongs-the-existence-of-gaddafis-regime-by-muammar-atwi-1/